Education in the age of globalisation


What does indeed education have to do with globalisation? The response is simple: everything. The newest wave of globalisation, which started out in the 1980s, is being driven by the data economy and, in turn, this knowledge market has been facilitated by globalisation. Without education, the data economy collapses. So anyone discussing globalisation is also talking about the knowledge market and education.

First, globalisation. Sometimes the idea seems like a many-headed dragon (Giddens, 2000). For some, the phenomenon is as old as the planet itself - consider of the fantastic kingdoms of antiquity, the voyages of finding, the fantastic waves of migration in the 19th century, etc. . After the world wars, international corporations were created which were supposed to lead to "global governance", a type of world federal government which would establish a " new world " order. However, the newest influx of globalisation has swept over this like a deluge. As a result of increasing internationalisation in production and distribution networks, sovereign state governments are instantly being downgraded to water-carriers of international big business. The laws and regulations of the free market are imposed after them, for concern with being dismissed by traders. Some institutions that were supposed to ensure the creation of the new world order are themselves preaching deregulation and worldwide competition. Quite simply, in debates about globalisation, we are not usually discussing the globalisation development in its generic sense (the increasing trend towards worldwide interdependence, driven by telecommunications). The model of globalisation that is so questionable that it has become the target of fierce demonstrations, is the one which is colored by neo-liberal ideology. It's the globalisation of the free market, powered by competition and the quest for profit.

Both mind of the monster also make reference to the knowledge society. In the first definition, the web and the multimedia play an integral role: ideas move at the rate of light throughout the world and ensure that every invention that "catches on" also assumes worldwide proportions. This means that anyone who can master the web and the media is at the foundation and acquires power. In the next definition, the establishment of the global neo-liberal market market, knowledge, IT and information play just as important a job. A great many services that do not require physical proximity (such as information handling, accounting, financial services, translation, etc. ) can indeed be produced all over the world and sent to the other part of the world. Moreover, markets are connected across the world so that information about production, prices, innovations, etc. , is distributed over the Internet in the blink of an eyeball. This significantly increases the transparency of the marketplaces and raises competition. Our market leaders have also realized our competitive gain in the global market economy no longer rests on the ownership of raw materials or manpower, but on our gray matter: knowledge.

The Lisbon Strategy: knowledge as both competitive tool and social concrete?

During the 2000 planting season summit in Lisbon, EU market leaders elevated the knowledge economy to the best goal of the ten years: making the European union into "the largest and most strong knowledge economy on earth, with more and better careers and greater social cohesion".

The exegesis of this text is a remarkable activity. At first sight, one word contains the most obvious contradictions: on the one hand, the desire to be a "winner" in the global competitive have difficulties is clear while, on the other palm, we find the desire to counteract the social and local polarisation that results from the neo-liberal market market, using the same opportunities in knowledge. It appears to be a typically political sample bargain between heads of status on right and remaining, all attempting to put their eggs in the EU basket without checking whether their agendas are in any way reconcilable.

The simple truth is that the Lisbon agenda can be taken in many different ways.

For the marketeers, it is first and foremost about playing out comparative advantages on world market segments. According to the Heckscher-Ohlin theorems of international trade theory, free trade will spontaneously cause trading associates to specialise in producing those goods and services where they have a comparative gain. Where necessary, the government may give a helping side. If we suppose that European countries is relatively poor in recycleables and labour, but rich in brain power, then buying education, research and development is indeed the menu for success. Investment in R&D has to be increased, up to 3% of gross home product. The ground breaking climate needs to be nurtured, including by building innovation platforms, incubation centres, general population investment in eco-technology, etc. . Information and communication technology are key aspects of economic development. The amount of scientifically and officially educated people at supplementary and higher levels must be drastically increased. The connection between education and the labour market must be improved upon. The movement of unqualified school-leavers must be minimize by half. Involvement in life-long learning must be increased and every adult must have usage of basic IT skills.

By specialising in knowledge-intensive areas - in line with the forecasts of neo-classical trade theory - the Western economy will grow further and the Third World will also advantage therefore because the flipside of the gold coin is the fact labour-intensive activities will be outsourced to low-wage countries. Both attributes, North and South, can only benefit as a result.

The World Loan provider looked and noticed that it was good: based on the Lender, the "new globalisers" - a group of 23 producing countries that have exposed their edges (China, India, Brazil while others) - observed average economic progress in the 1990s (per mind of human population) of 5% per season. In the abundant countries, where globalisation was advertised, this development was 2% per yr, as the stragglers, countries that closed themselves off, experienced negative average expansion (World Loan company, 2002). At the same time, the OECD and the European union discovered from research that the knowledge economy was once more to create them on the road of sustainable growth. Temple (2001) found that every additional year of education by the working populace increases nationwide income by about 10%. This effect can be divided into a level effect and a growth result: the former means that the working society is more successful and therefore generates more money. The growth result can be related to the fact that the more highly educated have also "learned to learn": even after departing the class they continue steadily to act creatively and flexibly under changing circumstances, creating a "snowball result" because of this. As far as investment in research and development is concerned, the numbers are equally as sharing with: Sakurai et al. (1996) estimate the common rate of return from R&D activities at 15%, with exceptions up to 40-50% in a few countries and areas. In other words, every euro a firm or administration invests in R&D is totally recovered within an average of 7 years. The observation that few investments are as profitable as investment funds in education and research could very well be one of the most crucial findings to emerge from social sciences in the past decade. The European Commission has also received this concept loud and clear (de la Fuente & Ciccone, 2002).

So much for the good news. However, how globalisation and the data market can be reconciled with cultural cohesion within the EU is not given anywhere. Even the built-in routine, that the global free market actually undermines communal cohesion within Europe, is not reviewed anywhere in European union documents. Indeed, the associated specialisation in knowledge-intensive industries improves the demand for highly specialised experts and technically educated labour. The increasing shortages in these labour market sections will exert upward pressure on the wages of these workers. On the other hand, the outsourcing of low-skilled, labour-intensive development processes leads to reduced demand and a structural surplus of unskilled labour, which means that the salary and working conditions of these categories are also steadily undermined (Hardwood, 1994). Whether this polarisation on the labour market is induced by globalisation itself or by technological advancement or the "tertiarisation" of the current economic climate is similar to a talk of the gender of the angels: the three styles want all dimensions of the same knowledge overall economy.

Inequality in Europe, even in the whole of the rich North, has been systematically increasing because the mid-1980s (F¶rster, 2000). Matching to Pontusson et al. (2002), some countries remain managing to curb inequality by a solid trade union activity and/or public job, but these counteracting makes are approaching under increasing pressure.

The Lisbon strategy therefore feels like wanting to square the circle. A lot more the member states encourage it, the less communal cohesion there may be. The EU does have structural funds available to promote social cohesion (both between areas and between your very skilled and unskilled). Because the enlargement of the EU, however (itself also a level in globalisation), these structural funds themselves have lost some of their affect because they have got not grown compared to the size of the Union, certainly not compared to the considerably wider space within the EU28.

In our opinion, the only path to reconcile the data economy with the objective of greater communal cohesion and is through mass investment in education. The difference between this process and the previous is that investment in education influences the supply area of the labour market, while globalisation and intensification of the knowledge-intensive creation sectors affect the demand part. This difference is vital: perhaps it needs some description.

R&D investment and specialisation in knowledge-intensive trade (IT, financial services, pharmaceuticals, eco-technology, etc. ), as we've said, boost the demand for highly skilled workers, as the outsourcing of unskilled development sectors causes a decline in the demand for unskilled personnel. All other things being equivalent, this change in the demand for labour causes a opposite redistribution of occupation and income, from unqualified to highly experienced. Instead of stimulating this (spontaneous) pattern, insurance policy must be intended for causing similar shifts on the supply part of the labour market. Education and vocational training are in fact geared towards switching unskilled personnel into more very skilled workers: if this technique can (at least) keep pace with the shifts on the demand side, inequality can be maintained in check, or even reduced. It really is a race against time and, if we claim that "large-scale investment in education" is needed, the distribution of this investment itself among the many sections of the populace is also of great importance. The deeply ingrained Matthew impact in education and life-long learning actually threatens to undermine the effectiveness of this plan. From a public perspective, the first top priority in education insurance plan is to eliminate the circulation of unqualified school-leavers from education; the next priority is the literacy plan and the third is to increase the supply of technicians and those with technological and complex skills. Not everyone will trust this ranking. It is a question of interpersonal choice.

The Lisbon strategy does not actually contradict this process but nor does it lead automatically to the required result. Even as we composed in the release to the section, it looks like a sample compromise between diverging national priorities. Anything is possible with such compromises. We can characterise the contrasting insurance plan alternatives referred to above as "knowledge-intensive" versus "knowledge-extensive". The knowledge-intensive path, which gives concern to the introduction of advanced technology, will raise economic growth in the short term, but gradually become bogged down on the labour market, further dualisation of society and interpersonal unrest. The knowledge-extensive journey, which gives desire to a raft of basic skills for as many people as you possibly can, will perhaps deliver less visible results in the short term but, in the longer term, lead to more sustainable growth. The issue surrounding the correct mix has, to your knowledge, not yet been explicitly pursued.

Free movements of education services

The education sector isn't only an "involved get together" in the globalisation process; it is itself also partly the main topic of it. Within the 1990s, the WTO (World Trade Business) launched an offensive (in the Uruguay round and again in 2001 in the Doha circular) to entail a number of subsidised services in the negotiations about trade liberalisation as well. In process, every service over which the government doesn't have a genuine monopoly can be discussed at the negotiating table. Education services are included here as soon as private organisers of education are accepted, even if they're 100% subsidised by the state. This is really the situation in Belgium, given that the free education network by itself is larger than the two established networks merged. International trade in education services may take various forms: from distance education across national edges, international university student or lecturer flexibility, to the establishment of campuses abroad (Knight, 2002).

Of course, it is up to the customers themselves to choose, through free negotiations, whether they want to open up their education sectors to international competition. The EU commissioner for trade, who functions during the GATS negotiations with respect to all EU member states, acquired given undertakings through the Uruguay round for "privately financed education" (quite simply the commercial - or at least unsubsidised - education circuit). All compulsory education and most advanced schooling therefore land de facto outside the scope of GATS. Only totally private academic institutions and commercial initiatives in adult education were liberalised. What does this mean used? We are not used to discussing trade in educational services, even less about their liberalisation. After all, import tariffs are never charged. . . Trade barriers do not, however, are made up exclusively of import tariffs, but also of what are known as non-tariff obstacles (e. g. quota constraints, quality standards, reputation procedures for international qualifications, etc. ). Once a celebration has exposed its edges, it must at least apply the general ideas of GATS in this admiration. "Market access" means that no quantitative barriers may be imposed, like a roof of x overseas students or y branches of international classes. The "most-favoured clause" means that no privileges can be refused to 1 member if they're focused on another person in the WHO. The process of "national treatment" implies that, when you can find free usage of foreign providers, no different expectations or subsidy guidelines can be imposed on procedures of domestic or foreign source. Furthermore, undertakings are irrevocable and WHO participants give "jurisdiction" over any conflicts to a panel of international trade experts.

The GATS initiative was not exactly welcomed with great excitement. Its intentions were good: to increase success by having burgeoning service industries out of the national cocoons also to allow corresponding between demand and supply to take place across national edges. Liberalisation means diversification, better freedom of choice, more efficiency and quality incentives as well as perhaps also less of an burden on the government budget.

On the international level, the major Anglo-Saxon countries were clearly in favour of the initiative. After all, they experienced a strong comparative advantage immediately because the working language of their education systems is the main world dialect. E-courses, whether or not backed by specialist call centres, are incredibly attractive as an export product because they're associated with huge economies of level. However, the reception of foreign students can also be a lucrative business. For instance, Australia is making big bucks with the tens of thousands of Asians attending college or university there. Although this export education is partly subsidised, return results can still be gained from other spending by foreign students and, if the best brains can then be maintained in the coordinator country, the picture is even more favourable.

As importers, some major growing countries, led by China, can also earn a living from liberalisation. Because of the meteoric expansion of its economy, the Chinese administration cannot fulfill the increased demand for advanced schooling. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese students commence their studies in another country every year, possibly with a offer from their federal. Many of them come back with Western requirements and join the country's scientific and technological top notch. The Chinese authorities saves on higher education because most migrants pay for their studies in another country themselves. In some cases, multinationals buying China set up their own colleges to train suitable executives.

By compare, in the Western european education sector, liberalisation and commercialisation talk with great reticence, not totally without justification (O'Keeffe, 2003; Hanley and Frederiksson, 2003). Not for little or nothing do governments curb market effects in education because of the risk of "market failure". A free of charge, competitive market also requires homogenous goods (a medical certification in country A should have the same value such as country B); at the same time, all those involved must be well-informed about the product quality and cost price of the products. Electricity concentrations (e. g. of large universities or associations) are unthinkable, etc. . None of the conditions for healthy competition is actually fulfilled. Education is an extremely sophisticated, opaque "market". If all of this applies to domestic provisions, how much more then to overseas provisions? Will liberalisation not lead automatically to privatisation and price raises? Will globalisation of the education sector not open up the door to the suppression of nationwide culture?

It is not actually clear from what extent all these objections are founded. It's true that the European union pursues a somewhat ambiguous strategy in this area. It portrays itself to the exterior world as the defender of your regulated, covered education sector but, internally, despite its subsidiary role regarding education, it helps bring about liberalisation you should available. The Bologna process and the Copenhagen process should build a "European educational space" for higher and vocational education respectively, where resource and demand can move readily. Harmonisation of constructions, recognition of qualifications obtained elsewhere and the introduction of a uniform, transparent European Qualification Construction should help to enable EU individuals to brush up or refine their skills in other member claims. Erasmus grants should boost pupil mobility and, finally, the EU services directive (the infamous Bolkestein directive) has resulted in the free movements of educational services within the EU, which that same European union is fighting at the GATS negotiating stand.

So what results should we expect? To get started with, remember that compulsory education is also not subject to the assistance directive or the GATS rules, so a great deal of movement should not be expected as of this level. Secondly, higher education will also remain largely subsidised in the future. Free movement in this sector will perhaps lead to a downwards levelling off of subsidies (or an upwards levelling off of registration fees). In the end, in an open educational space, a member status cannot allow itself to offer cheaper education than its neighbouring countries for lengthy. In the long run, a large number of students from other member areas could benefit from this transnational generosity. After all, different prices cannot be charged to EU students and to home students. In higher and adult education, an increased registration fee is not actually undemocratic: it counteracts the misplaced redistribution currently ravaging these segments because the better-off make disproportionately more use of education which is partially funded by less well-off taxpayers. The democratisation of higher and adult education is not threatened if increased sign up fees are coupled with higher study grants.

The creation of a far more transparent, uniform Western educational space can, we consider, only be regarded as a positive phenomenon. It's the task of the government, where the market fails, to ensure that the educational source is more transparent. This allows an individual to choose more readily. The competition between procedures is also heightened as a result, which should lead to raised quality and/or lower cost price.

Nonetheless, the impending "commercialisation" of higher education may also have detrimental results: in this context, education is gradually reduced to its most utilitarian dimensions. As the student himself finances a more substantial share of the cost of education, he will also be more likely to choose the more lucrative studies. Specifically, humanities and ethnical sciences could come under great pressure as a result. If society connects importance to a sufficient balance between lessons of study, it will also have to develop in the mandatory incentives because of this (e. g. by differentiated enrollment fees). Another risk - the intensification of the brain drain - is protected in the ultimate section of our paper.

Last however, not least, at international level, the potential risks of any forms of market causes in education are of course present, specifically increasing polarisation in quality and prestige among educational institutions. The Cambridges, Paris VIs, Munichs and Stockholms are doubtlessly becoming even more of a major draw in just a unified European advanced schooling space. It will not be long before they increase their registration fees and tighten up their access conditions in order to cream from the European elite. Regional colleges, by contrast, will see a weakening of the mark audience as a result of the same mechanisms. If usage of higher education (and, even more so, mature education) is to stay democratic, Western european directives will also need to be enacted, as was also necessary for the liberalisation of other general public welfare services. For example, Flemish advanced schooling is already sense the results of entry constraints in the Netherlands. The question is whether this will be lasting in a context where international pupil range of motion is on the increase.

On the complete, the "free movement of educational services" does not look as scary as much make it out to be. It is important that a variation be produced between compulsory education, on the one hand, which belongs to the field of basic cultural rights, and further education and training on the other side. In these second option segments, incomplete commercialisation should not automatically lead to sociable breakdown. It could even donate to a more balanced financing combine, which is essential to cope with the growing participation trend in the future. EU legislation will still have to ensure the required limit conditions to prevent negative social side effects.

Education and Third World development

In the above mentioned sections, we have largely confined ourselves to the European point of view. What do education and the knowledge society suggest for the Third World?

Curiously enough, the theory regarding the social role of education in the development books is a lot richer and even more simple than in Traditional western education books. Whereas the Chicago economist Becker (1964) labelled education as an individual investment in individual capital, with a financial come back in conditions of future income, the Bengali Sen (Sen, 1999) shows us that education can even be deemed more broadly as an investment in "capabilities" which consequently enable higher degrees of functioning to be achieved at the levels of health, family life, communal participation, etc. . Empirical research underpins this position and demonstrates that a higher level of education also leads to better nutrition, health (e. g. Assists prevention), housing, making love education, etc. (MacMahon, 1999; Saito, 2003).

Moreover, investment in education generates many spill-over effects on the wider culture. People learn from one another. Education also has a positive affect on security (protection of high-risk and delinquent behavior), social determination, civil responsibility and the quality of democratic decisions. Research increasingly issues to the role of education in the introduction of public capital (de la Fuente and Ciccone, 2002). These positive sociable effects are most clear in the context of gender-specific anti-poverty programmes. For instance, more education for girls is associated with better family planning and better nutrition, health insurance and training for children (for a listing of the results, see Behrman, 1997). To be able to break through the vicious circle of poverty and disease, education and training programmes for girls and women are crucial. In this context, UNICEF talks appropriately of the multiplier aftereffect of education for women (UNICEF, 2004). These positive external effects are an additional reason for authorities involvement in education and training.

Sufficient evidence is accessible that educational investment in growing countries produces an increased go back than in developed countries (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004). This difference is a direct indication of the need for education in the acquisition of basic skills. Furthermore, Behrman (1997) points out that, so far as subsequent educational purchases in their children are concerned, basic education or basic literacy for ladies is more important than reaching higher levels of education. Sen (2002) also emphasises the role of basic education and the role which this plays in increasing the mandatory human security and additional human and cultural development. Cost-benefit analyses have proven that ventures in pre-school education and basic education have an increased rate of return than shelling out for secondary and higher education - specifically in expanding countries (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004; Cunha et al. , 2006).

In multilateral development cooperation, these results have been well received. On the World Convention in Jomtien (Thailand), in 1990, the "Education FOR MANY" (EFA) initiative premiered under the auspices of UNESCO. All celebrations agreed with the position that general, compulsory, free, general population and good-quality basic education is the cornerstone of education strategy which also includes extra, further, vocational and mature education. During the international Education Conference in Dakar (2000), the importance of education for many was again underlined and 6 aims were developed, two which were later implemented as millennium targets (conclusion of basic education by all teenagers and equivalent educational opportunities for girls and boys at all levels by 2015). The key target sets of the EFA plan will be the 80 million children who have never been to university and the 800 million illiterate individuals on the globe. Every growing country participating in EFA draws up a nationwide education action plan that ties in with the countrywide poverty reduction strategy (Poverty Decrease Strategy Newspaper) and provides main concern to basic education. This step plan is examined on all relevant sociable actors. A set of indicators is envisaged which may be used to check effective implementation. Monitoring and evaluation are entrusted to one one financier by the international community, per getting country.

In an attempt to speed up the EFA train further, in 2002 the Fast Keep track of Initiative (FTI) was launched, encouraged by the earth Standard bank, which both international financial backers and acquiring countries can sign up for over a voluntary basis. Furthermore to endorsing the EFA guidelines, donors are called for an additional determination to long-term funding and receiving government authorities are asked to invest in transparent analysis.

The least that can be said about EFA and FTI is they have the blowing wind in their sails. Participation and invested resources are rising phenomenally. Since 2000, public development help for education worldwide has more than doubled. Nonetheless, the obstacles are still significant: the major opponents of education are poverty (and, associated with this, child labour), war, your debt burden, migration, mismanagement and disease. In problems regions, education simply grinds to a halt. In a few countries, the ravages of Assists on teaching staff are so severe that it's barely possible to replace tired and deceased professors. In addition, it should be said that the interests of financial backers and receiving countries, even if both communities have noble objectives, do not necessarily coincide. The governments of growing countries are pleased to utilize international support in order to spend some of their own budgets on other priorities. On the other hand, the key role of the World Loan provider in the FTI is not totally altruistic. Among the conditions for support, specifically, is usually that the nationwide EFA action designs be associated with poverty reduction packages (PRSP): the latter are the World Bank's key help instruments. Which means that multilateral educational aid assists as a lever to bolster the effect of the World Loan provider on its customers. It is known that external pressure is not necessarily popular. Along with development help, pro-globalist, liberal policy ideas are also dished out to receiving countries. Before, for example, these were often obliged to reduce their import tariffs or food subsidies, which strike farmers and consumers especially hard.

Brain drain

One of why the come back on advanced schooling in producing countries is relatively low has to do with the brain drain from growing countries to the abundant North - a sensation that will not exactly mesh with the predictions of international trade theory. Inside the first portion of our paper, we described the theory of comparative advantages: every country will specialise in exporting goods and services that the creation factors can be found in relative extra. Robert Mundell (1957) shown that the international ability to move of creation factors can be seen as a replacement for trade in goods, and with the same effect. In specific terms, this would mean that if growing countries have a surplus of unskilled labour and wealthy countries relatively large numbers of highly skilled people, we would expect a South-North migration of unskilled employees and a North-South migration of highly skilled personnel. In both conditions, migrants are attracted by the fact that, in the variety country, they are really relatively better paid than in their own countries because they're relatively scarcer there.

In certainty, the dominant structure is a South-North migration of both unskilled and highly skilled employees. In 2005, around 4 million legal migrants (and an unidentified range of illegals) flooded in to the abundant OECD countries (OECD, 2007). These characters do not include short-term migration. Upon better inspection, the contradiction between theory and practice can be discussed by some factors, of which we highlight only the most important. Firstly, the abundant North dominates the world economy to this extent which it also depresses demand for very skilled people in the 3rd World. Secondly, governments in the North do not go after a liberal insurance plan as it pertains to immigration. When force involves shove, they place restraints on the laws of neo-classical trade theory, erect barriers to unskilled immigrants and are even actively recruiting the greater highly skilled personnel to fill existing bottlenecks on their labour markets. For instance, in britain, the common education level of immigrants is greater than that of the British themselves. Three out of five recent (legal) immigrants into the whole OECD hold an increased education certification (Adams, 2003).

The benefits for the number countries are well-known: over one third of the high-tech companies in Silicon Valley (the breeding surface for the IT sector in the US) were founded by international internet marketers and over 1 / 3 of the employees in Silicon Valley result from Southeast Asia (ILO, 2004). In the United Kingdom, 30% of doctors and 13% of nursing personnel are non-natives. The European union is progressively pressing for an "open edges" coverage because immigration should fortify the demographic basic for financing interpersonal security to cope with the ageing of the population. It goes without saying, however, that the most attractive migrants are those who are well-educated and multilingual at the time they enter the EU.

The South-North brain drain is therefore described away using various arguments: academics unemployment in growing countries, the actual fact that a few of the brains subsequently return to their mother country, the significant stream of "remittances" (preserved migrant incomes, which are delivered to the family in the mother country), etc. . However, the heart of the storyline remains a massive drain from many poor countries. In particular, small, poor and politically unpredictable countries on the periphery of the OECD seem to suffer from the most from the brain drain (Docquier et al. , 2007). The top three "brain losers" (Guyana, Jamaica and Haiti) have lost over 80% of these highly skilled personnel to abundant countries. In the complete of sub-Saharan Africa, only 4% of the population are highly educated; still, this section of the workforce makes up 40% of emigration (Schiff & Ozden, 2005). To these poverty-stricken countries, investment in further education means nothing at all more or less than a flow of tax revenues to the wealthy world. At the same time, these countries themselves remain trapped in the poverty circuit. Is it still worthy of them investing in higher education?

One of the most dramatic effects can be found in the health sector. In some African and Caribbean countries, more than half of all health staff have emigrated overseas. Since its independence, Zambia has trained 600 doctors, only 50 of whom have remained in the united states. Of young doctors who graduate in Ghana, two-thirds leave the united states within three years. The same pertains to 70% of Zimbabwean and virtually all Congolese doctors. They thus help to alleviate bottlenecks on the labour market for doctors and nurses in European countries, while they themselves face a much more severe scarcity of health individuals. This raises substantial ethical plan questions for all the parties involved. Soft solutions, such as the "Commonwealth Code of Practice for the International Recruitment of Health Workers", do not seem to be to help. Should (and can) the migration of very skilled workers be limited? Should a multilateral monitoring system be setup to regulate flows? Under what conditions is it (un)justified to alleviate bottlenecks on our labour market by recruiting very skilled workers from the Third World? Should at least some form of financial settlement be provided?

There is not any scarcity of proposals for specific solutions. One of the groups which is incredibly prone to brain drain is foreign students, who come to the North for post-graduate studies. Their home countries have already invested in their educational employment opportunities for 15-20 years. The cleverest among them will invariably be made a doctorate offer in the rich North (which is then labelled "development assistance"). Of these doctors, many will remain in the sponsor country for good: in america, this figure is merely under one half. Some systems of study grants used to finance these foreign students contain compulsory return clauses, upon charges of repayment. Such conditions could be generalised. Another proposal concerns the "Bhagwati tax" on emigration, called following the Nobel prize winner who developed this proposal. He asserts that "remittances" are too non-committal and remain in the private circuit; he therefore proposes that expatriates should continue to pay tax to their home countries, somewhat than to the web host country. Others propose genuine transfer sums (between governments) as payment for losses experienced (Commonwealth Medical Association, 2004). In our view, these financial techniques can resolve some of the issue, but other forms of development co-operation in education also have to be found so that students from the Third World can specialise more of their region.

In any event, the necessity for solutions is clear. Training the common health worker in Africa, based on the IOM, costs the local federal government 185, 000 us dollars. If see your face emigrates, that investment is basically lost to the house country. However, the social cost of brain drain is felt much further afield: it must be expressed in lost real human lives, in wait in combating Helps, in dropping behind in employing the Millennium Aims.


Awareness is growing that lots of decisions about our daily lives are being made at Western european and world levels. Mostly of the domains where the Flemish coverage level still has a decisive impact is the field of education. The magnitude to which globalisation is a curse or a blessing depends largely on insurance plan in this field.

Firstly, education insurance policy determines the home distribution of opportunities and welfare in the long term. We saw that globalisation and the accompanying Lisbon agenda imply an natural threat of further dualisation within world if more excess weight is also directed at the objective of communal cohesion. As the traditional instruments (taxes, sociable security and labour market coverage) reach their limits, it is clear that education and training are becoming the most crucial levers for communal cohesion in the foreseeable future. Structural reforms are urgent to be able to counteract the high level of inequality which characterises the training system here in Flanders. Some objectives, already embodied in the Lisbon strategy, should be shifted to the most notable of the training plan: halving the move of unqualified school-leavers from supplementary education; promoting literacy and basic IT skills for parents, etc. .

We have seen our education system is itself subjected to a globalisation trend. Up to now, it looks as though this is taking place in a reasonably delicate way: compulsory education remains out of the focus on range, while advanced schooling and adult education face international competition chiefly within a Western european education space. Nonetheless, it is time to develop legislation at both nationwide and EU levels to guarantee that, just as other general public welfare services, similar usage of these procedures remains assured and that one less lucrative lessons aren't jeopardised.

Education is also an internationally method of redistribution. Over the past twenty years, great strides have been manufactured in development cooperation in the education sector. The "Education for those" campaign has a genuine hope of fulfilling at least one of its efforts to the Millennium Aims: giving every child on the planet the opportunity to complete primary education. Much will rely upon if the basic conditions at the level of health, security, etc. , are found.

One of the most pressing issues encompassing global education policy is the situation of the brain drain. Recent studies disclose a much gloomier picture than had up to now been offered in the study books. In small, poor and politically unstable countries on the periphery of the OECD, the intelligentsia has almost been bled dry by the brain drain. Studies of the medical sector paint a shocking picture of the exodus of health personnel from former English colonies to the united kingdom, causing general population health in the countries of origin to sink still further in to the mire. Financial settlement mechanisms (which do not yet are present) would be only a token gesture in this context. Surely main concern should be given to working towards a multilateral arrangement that can reconcile the process of the free movement of individuals with the goal of development aims, in order to create genuine win-win situations.

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