The e book Shanty-town Kid was compiled by Azouz Begag in 1986 under the French title Le gone du Chaba. Begag is a French writer of Algerian descent and was a minister in the French authorities for two years till 2007. As a child Begag grew up in a shanty town near Lyons and attracts upon personal experience when he writes about the lives of men and women who are in the ghettos on the outskirts of towns that they call home. He targets the problems of the immigrant human population of France and exactly how federal government and bureaucratic policies separate people along various lines of ethnicity, terminology and culture. The subject matter of his writing handles multi-ethnic and multi-cultural conditions that the immigrants face in post colonial European countries, especially in France since it has a huge migrant population from north part of Africa. Begag can be an advocate of the integration of multicultural facets such as language and culture from the different regions and assimilate the immigrants from the ghettos into mainstream life in France. This evaluation of the book Shanty-town Child will dwell upon this theme and do a comprehensive analysis of the reserve and a comparative study of Trica Keaton's Muslim Young ladies and the Other France and Algeria in France by Paul A. Silverstein.
In Shantytown Youngster, Begag recounts how people stay in ghettoes of modern locations and how children are elevated under deplorable conditions and are required to cope with the idea of "other France" (Keaton33) that results from being a part of an marginalized portion of society. Begag raises some grave questions about why immigrants' are considered different when they are the fallout of colonization of the "other" countries? Begag can get under our skin with his descriptions of life as a absent or young lad he previously to stay in a world all twisted and divided by unseen wall surfaces of discrimination based on his religion, terminology and race.
Written with humor the book tells us the storyplot of a smart Arab boy would you better than his compatriots at institution. Through the pages of the reserve we observe the transformation of the shanty town young man to a smart and bright college student who discovers through the encouragement of his teacher that he could be an Arab but still be recognized as being French. He slowly and gradually learns to simply accept his heritage and a feeling of self worthy of and the willpower to do well in life by becoming very informed. It really is a chronicle of how a good single positive affect can turn a person's frame of mind around and help him to assimilate himself in to the society that possessed at onetime looked like so very partisan. His seductive understanding of the shanty town milieu presented him in good stead when he became Minister of Equivalent Opportunity in the French federal government and could further the cause of immigrant Algerians to be integrated into the mainstream life of urban France.
In the Shanty-town Kid Begag talks at length about how the Maghrebi immigrants were forced to live on the fringes of French metropolitan contemporary society. The shanties of lumber and zinc could hardly be called houses and the sanitary conditions were deplorable. This is in stark comparison to the properly laid out towns of France. The health zoning codes acquired no relevance in these ghettos crowded with hovels that the immigrants still thought of as home. Begag uses the local lingo, an assortment of Maghrebi and Lyonnais People from france, skillfully in his novel to give it an genuine flavor. Were left to ask yourself, however, about the fate of a huge selection of immigrants who unlike Begag didn't get the possibility to utilize their potential in a strife torn land. The booklet has a happy finishing and we feel proud to check out Begag's eminent profession and feel justified in wanting that education, understanding, compassion and foresight will 1 day bring all the Frenchmen of Algerian or North African origin along and make the slogan of the French revolution "liberty, equality and fraternity" a reality.
In the e book Muslim Girls and the Other France Trica Keaton has attempted to explain the type of national id politics widespread in France and the identification problems the immigrants face while they struggle to be included in mainstream French culture and modern culture. She creates "their incorporation into French contemporary society is not smooth, but has included bafflement and pain" (Keaton 32) She's presented several circumstance studies of immigrant Muslim girls who consider themselves to be French but have to handle discrimination based on the recognized notions of immigrant mentality. Aicha was an immigrant Muslim young lady whose parents acquired migrated from Morocco. She symbolized the duality that immigrant children shown in wanting to be accepted in mainstream French society. Aicha usually wore smart form installing clothes, lipstick and high heel shoes and smoked cigarettes when she visited university or any other place outside her home and community. She was gregarious, talkative and "aggressive" (Keaton 34) like any other teenage young lady and was a smart pupil. She was keenly alert to the perception people possessed of immigrants in France and strove to clarify the difference in the manner she grew up by insisting that like the majority of ladies she could speak to her mother widely about matrimony and things such as that. However, her connections with dad were less candid plus more restricted. She had not been permitted to go outside her home after 6:00 P. M. in France but had been allowed to embark on a five day tour of Italy! She experienced also chronicled in her journal that when her mother uncovered that she smoked she stored it a top secret from her father and admonished her about medical risks of smoking. But her mom had not been so lenient when she noticed that her sister had a partner. She was upset and there were heated quarrels with her sister and almost immediately afterwards her parents started to work out about her matrimony.
The bizarre thing about Aicha's situation was that no subject how forward she was outside when she was at home she became a completely different personality. She was demure and less talkative. Even her dress was different and she wore baggy clothes with her wild hair plaited neatly. Her father spoke French however, not her mother and because of the want of fluent communication in French there were certain chores like going to the bank, postoffice etc which were assigned to Aicha and her sister. Aicha was lost about her true identity. She was born in a Muslim family but had no spiritual affinity. She wasn't sure of what her true identity was. When in Morocco she was called French but when she is at France she was referred to as "dirty Arab" (Keaton 35). This shows the trauma that immigrant children are exposed to and how the awareness of "self" is baffled and agonizing for them.
Fatou is another Muslim young lady whose case Keaton narrates in her publication. Fatou is the fourth among sixteen children of the polygamous Arabic family from Western Africa residing in France. She actually is shy and home effacing and struggled to complement up to the ethnic differences between the environment she encountered in university and the one which she bought at home. Fatou, like most other immigrants, believes in Fancis Bacon's aphorism "knowledge is electricity" (Keaton 37) and even though she fares improperly in academics she is loathe taking up vocational track lest she miss her baccalaureate diploma that could ensure a proper job on her behalf. She challenges with her general studies course but keeps it a technique from her parents. She is terrified that unless she's a normal education in French she would wind up doing low end careers like other illiterate immigrants. Because of the restrictive environment in which she is lifted she has utilized the artwork of secrecy almost to efficiency. She continues her home background a solution from most people. She actually is perplexed about the polygamous practice of Senegalese Muslims and is also not concurrent with such a practice. She desires to be like other French young ladies who have only two parents in the family and will often have two children. In her home she shares her room with thirteen other siblings and has a step mother who she identifies as "aunt" in public. Despite her vehement protests that her parents would marry her off against her needs if she failed in school, a few of her teachers were not so sure. Fatou is mixed up by the laws and regulations in France where polygamy is illegitimate whereas in her faith polygamy is regarded very highly. She was disgusted by the meekness of women in her family and has a very baffled and "chaotic" (Keaton 38) notion of family life.
The circumstance of Fatima is similar in lots of ways. Fatima is considered great in her university as were her sisters before her and incredibly well "integrated" with the French culture and originated from a family group well assimilated in the French culture. However, in Fatima's own words she actually is totally integrated into French society, talks French and studies French background, yet when asked about her personality she says "France is my countrymy identity is French of Algerian origin, of Muslim religious beliefs" (Keaton 40). The faade of refined and built-in family backdrop was an eye rinse as her daddy was chauvinistic and maintained double standards in his behavior towards his children. Whereas the guys had freedom, girls had "curfew" enforced to them and needed to be home before sunset and were not allowed to participate in any of the extracurricular activities, especially activities. Every precaution was taken up to keep the females chaste and suited to marriage within the city. The irony with their situation was that in the land of the parents these were treat irreverently because they did not belong as they were franaise, a position that was refused them when they were in France and when in France they were treated terribly because these were not franaise!
In his publication Algeria in France, Paul Silverstein researches the reason for the racial and ethnic split that the people of France and this of greater Europe feel for the people of North Africa, particularly, from Algeria. He reminds us that the frame of mind of suspicion and discrimination contrary to the Algerian community that lives in metropolitan France was strengthened by a few of the subversive activities that took place in France between your years 1992 and 1995. The involvement of Algerian Muslims in the bombing occurrences in Paris and Lyons appeared to position the clock back to the problem of 9/11/2001baombing of the World Trade Center in the United States. These bombings and other subversive activities induced the France Government to focus on the Algerian community in the "anti-terrorist" (Silverstein 1) drive and begin on the policy of racial profiling which subjected the North African immigrants to harassment in France. Silverstein dwells on the assimilation and integration of the immigrantAlgerians' religious and cultural identities in the reconstruction of the French population and the everyday lifestyle and the "transpolitics" of the immigrant Algerians in urban France. The separatist and sometimes racial policies have pressed the "Beur" human population to the "periphery" (Silverstein 230) of mainstream lifestyle in France. It is ironical that the migrants from North Africa got remaining their homeland in the hope of finding a better life in a secular France and this their children was required to have difficulty against injustice to find identical opportunities in their adopted country.
The stresses of race, religion, culture and creed can marginalize whole segments of society and deprive excellent and deserving people equal opportunities to sparkle and contribute favorably to the world. The three works that have been compared in this essay show that the integration of an people in to the socio-cultural environment of your nation state can only be aided by governmental plans and regulations. However, the real integration of your alienated and terrified community begins in the day-to-day lives of the people. With understanding, encouragement and good play the Algerian immigrant community can perform the position and the assurance of the good life that they had dreamt of when they moved to France. With better representation they can be important source of information in bringing about a unified and secular European countries and become "pivotal" (Sliverstein 230) in providing peace and success to the spot.
